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Sunday, December 17, 2006

Women in terrorism: a Palestinian feminist revolution or gender oppression?

December 9, 2006

Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
at the Center for Special Studies (C.S.S)

Women in terrorism: a Palestinian feminist revolution or gender oppression? 1
Dr. Anat Berko 2 and Prof. Edna Erez 3

 Theoretical approach and background information

The place of women in terrorism and the extensive media coverage received by attacks involving women 4 have been on the agenda of discussions of global terrorism. Throughout history, women have participated in national struggles for independence, in wars and more recently, in terrorist attacks .

Since September 2000, when the insurrection the Palestinians call the "Al-Aqsa intifada " broke out, women have played an increasingly active role in various aspects of Palestinian terrorism. The reasons usually given for the inclusion of women in terrorist activities are that they can pass
unsuspected and undetected, and they attract a great deal of media attention. The use of women and children in carrying out terrorist attacks is effective and the media impact is great, as could be seen when a female suicide bomber did not detonate her device during the mass attacks in Jordan in November 2005. Using women also demonstrates the depth and importance of the conflict, and the strength of the terrorist organizations. There is also the prevalent opinion that the presence of women in the battle arena or in military operations spurs men on to greater action and expression of their manhood (Yizraeli, 1999; Bloom, 2005).

Recently the claim has been made that the increase of the number of women in terrorist activities demonstrates the advancement of women in a given society. It is similar to previous theories which tried to explain the increase in the number of women criminals as being an index of women's liberation and a narrowing of the gap between men and women, including changes in the traditional division of labor between the sexes (Adler, 1975; Simon, 1975). Today as well, the claim is made that the growing participation of women in terrorism in general, and in suicide bombing attacks in particular, is a sign of women's liberation and the attempt to attain a status equal to that of men (Bloom, 2005).

Attention was recently drawn to the rights and status of Arab women in
Palestinian society by the strengthening of nationalism and the call to
women to take part in the struggle for liberation from the occupation.
Palestinian women were invited to participate actively in the public arena
in a variety of roles which were defined as nationalist, "as mothers,
educators, workers and even fighters." ( Kandiyoti, 1996), and to join "the
army of roses which will destroy the Israeli tanks," in the words of Yasser
Arafat (Victor, 2003). At the same time, the nationalist movements,
including the Palestinian national movement, have a tendency to determine
and preserve the boundaries for the behavior and social activities of women
in accordance with cultural and religious codes which bind women firmly to
traditional roles. Such movements exert pressure on women to express gender
interests within boundaries fixed by the conservative national and religious

Thus on the one hand, the Palestinian national struggle encourages women to
express their objections to the occupation and political oppression (even
Hamas, which won the Palestinian Legislative Council elections in January
2006, announced that it reserved 20% of its seats for women), but on the
other, Palestinian society continues to stress the importance of the place
of women in the family and the need to preserve the traditional social
construct of femininity. The result is that women have been called upon to
fight the forces of occupation, but at the same time are required to accept
and obey patriarchal hegemony, a situation of conflicts (Rubenberg, 2001).

The aim of this study was to examine claims of "the Palestinian feminist
revolution" as expressed by the inclusion of women in terrorism. It is our
contention, as this study shows, that the said inclusion is another type of
oppression and a cynical exploitation of women who become victims and tools
of male Palestinian society. The results of our research raise many
questions related to the validity of the claim that the involvement of women
in terrorism is an index of their liberation, and our findings reinforce the
claim that including women in terrorism is another aspect of the systematic
gender oppression suffered by Palestinian women.

Women, gender and terrorism in Palestinian society

Palestinian community and culture, as in other Arab societies, are based on
the principles of collectivity, tribalism and social homogeneity.
Palestinian society is not individualistic, and the good of the individual,
his welfare and security are assured by the group to which he belongs.
Social order in Palestinian society, as in other collective societies, is
hierarchical and fixed. The individual is required to obey the orders of
whoever is above him on the social ladder, and his place is determined by
the age and gender group to which he belongs. Most collective groups are
patriarchal, that is, men are higher in the social hierarchy than women and
children, who are at the bottom of the ladder. Young women must obey not
only older women and men, but younger men as well (Sharabi, 1975; MEMRI,
2005). Disobeying male authority is a blatant violation of the behavior code
and demands punishment (Keidar, 2006).

The family is considered the central unit of economic, social and religious
life, and is the individual's source of support in every area. Unity and
mutual support are very important in Arab culture. Relatives receive from
the family the help and services a modern country provides and is expected
to provide for its citizens, such as mutual aid in raising children,
protection, financial aid, employment, etc. Relatives are expected to be
committed to protecting the family, its unity and good name. That demands
that the good of the family be put before the good of the individual, his
needs, aspirations, welfare and future (Barakat, 1985).

Collective orientation stresses individual sacrifice for the general good.
For a woman, it means putting the good of the family before her own,
expressing unreserved loyalty and making sacrifices for the family of her
father, for her husband (and his family as well) and her children. The
obligation to preserve family honor is enormous in Arab society, especially
in matters related to the woman's sexual behavior. If a woman's behavior is
immodest she disgraces all her blood relations. Restrictions placed on women
also include isolation from the public eye and the narrowing of her life and
activity to home and family.

The moral limits of Arab society stress the traditional models of
motherhood, femininity and functioning in married life. A woman's identity
and worth are measured by her obedience, seclusion, modesty and
childbearing, preferably sons (Rubenberg, 2001; Hassan, 1999). When a woman
or girl is discovered to have behaved in an unseemly fashion, the family is
considered to have failed in educating and supervising her, casting a doubt
on the ability of the males of the family to exercise control and demanding
they take action to rehabilitate their injured male power.

The socio-cultural background helps explain how women are recruited for
terrorist activities, their action and the ensuing results. Joining the
cycle of terrorism demands that women leave their homes and the supervision
of their fathers (or elder brothers) and associate with men. Leaving the
house for a "military action" (which is how terrorist activities were
described by those taking part in the study) involves a web of lies and
excuses enabling the woman to avoid arousing suspicion. Thus, from the time
a woman is recruited through her training and ending with the terrorist
attack itself, she hides behind lies and excuses which cut off any return
home as far as her parents are concerned, particularly her father, even to
ask for help. Such a situation makes her especially vulnerable and exposes
her to exploitation by terrorist operatives.

This study will show that a Palestinian woman participating in terrorist
activity is not a liberated woman. She is one upon whom social, religious
and cultural systems of gender oppression are active and whose inferior
position in the social hierarchy is preserved in a no-win situation.


For the purposes of this study 13 security prisoners aged 16-26 were
interviewed at least twice each over a period of two years. All but one were
single. Ten of them were residents of the Palestinian Authority-administered
territories and three were Israeli Arabs. All participated willingly. The
interviews were conducted in Arabic, Hebrew or English or a combination of
the three, depending on which language the interviewees felt comfortable
with and the degree of their language ability. They were asked about their
lives, childhood, dreams and hopes for the future. As we spoke they opened
their hearts and the interviews turned into simple discussions between
women, especially after it became clear that the questions were neither
threatening nor related to matters of security. In addition, various
officials were interviewed, both male and female, chiefly individuals
belonging to the Palestinian religious, welfare and educational systems.

The data were processed by qualitative analysis (Glaser, 1992). According to
his system, the texts of all the interviews were read and common and unique
topics were identified. Identifying common themes enables the researcher to
categorize concepts and then rank them according to the frequency of their
appearance. That enables the researcher to produce interim findings, in
which case every instance which contradicts the finding leads to a newer and
more applicable wording of the finding. When new concept categories can no
longer be found and the findings do not demand changes, the assumption is
that the data have been fully exhausted.

The findings

The role of women in terrorism

In the world of terrorism, as in the society of which it is a part, women
usually play a subordinate role. However, while some of them do become
suicide bombers or knife-wielding attackers, most of them merely serve the
male terrorists in supporting roles. They provide information (including
information taken from the Internet), choose well-populated targets to
effect the greatest number of victims, conduct observations, accompany males
to the site of an attack to detract suspicion, smuggle and hide weapons,
provide hiding places for other women, provide temptation, attach explosive
belts to the bodies of female suicide bombers, etc.

Usually the women are not career terrorists with long histories of terrorist
activities and organization membership, and they are not mobile within the
organization. As opposed to men, for a woman involved in Palestinian
terrorism, membership in an organization is not significant. She usually
does not have a history of broad organizational activity, but rather her
affiliation begins close to the attack itself, either shortly before or
shortly afterwards. Nevertheless, the terrorist organizations are interested
in recruiting women to be able to increase the number of casualties they can
claim. The concept prevalent in Palestinian society is that the more
casualties a terrorist organization causes to Israel , the more glorious its
reputation and stronger its influence.

The paths leading women to terrorism

The motives for Palestinian women to turn to terrorism, as revealed by the
findings of this study, are divided between the desire to revenge the death
of a relative or beloved or fiancי and the attempt to solve a personal
problem. In the background are religion, culture, society and the national
issue. Examples of personal, family or social problems are pre- or
extra-marital romantic relationships, forced marriages, financial
exploitation (for example, excessive use of a cellular phone borrowed from a
woman by a terrorist-operative), the desire to remove suspicion from the
woman or a member of her family of collaborating with the enemy, and revenge
against a father who refused to pay a dowry, thus preventing his 25 year-old
"old maid" daughter from getting married. In addition, the women interviewed
expressed the desire for the excitement that comes from forbidden secret
meetings with boys, either for training or to accompany them on attacks, and
the chance to wear daring clothing on the way to the attack.

There are women who were drawn into terrorism through Internet chat groups
with men from the Arab world. Their communications began innocently as
male-female exchanges, and the men used romantic manipulation to recruit the
women to terrorist activities. Thus, for example, after online
communications lasting from 12 to 20 hours a day with terrorist-operatives,
women were recruited for suicide bombing attacks or to help wanted
terrorists. Among the women interviewed, only one actively took the
initiative (although supported by men), and planned and carried out a

According to the data, most of the women involved in terrorism are employed
in subordinate functions of camouflage and support. The findings also show
that in terrorist attacks carried out by women or with the help of women,
there is almost always another woman in the picture who provides a perfect
moral-social cover of visible respectability for the action. The actual
planner and string-puller is usually a man who sometimes finds a
subcontractor to enlist, recruit and support an attack when women are
involved in its operational aspects. For example, a female university
student was asked to provide a hiding place in the dorms for a woman who was
supposed to carry out a suicide bombing attack; another woman was asked to
sit in the car that took a potential female terrorist to training sessions.
Sometimes women escort suicide bombers to the site of the attack, and
sometimes they bring children with them, so that the suicide bomber will not
be seen alone with a strange man in a car, or to allay suspicions.

Profit and loss for women involved in terrorism

Among the women who take part in terrorist activities are those who are
interested in solving personal or family problems or in enjoying the
financial and social rewards which are the consequence of recognition as
fighting against the Israeli occupation. There are those who regard the path
of terrorism as a way of erasing their past or a direct route to realizing
their expectations, including, among other things, the promise of reaching

Paradise , they believe, will enable them to divest themselves of the
restrictions and limitations placed on women in this world, including sexual
relations. That belief is also an incentive for engaging in terrorist
activities, because they perceive paradise as something real. One of the
prisoners, who was responsible for the murder of a young Jewish boy, said in
that context that in paradise she would meet mythological male figures from
the Islamic past. Some of the prisoners hinted shyly that "in paradise even
women have sexual relations," and could marry heroes from the past, would
never be tired, would eat good food and would even be one of the 72
beautiful black-eyed virgins who were the companions of the shaheeds
(martyrs for the sake of Allah). They also believed that an ugly woman who
reached paradise after having carried out a terrorist attack, would become
beautiful. They added that they would see Allah, Muhammad and his companions
and the shaheeds. In addition, especially if they were shaheeds, in reward
for their actions they would save 70 of their family members from the
tortures of the grave before their souls rose to heaven.

It is the nature of terrorist activity to demand association with men, since
the terrorist organization operatives, managers, modes of thinking and
operative proceedings are all male or male-oriented. Women who become
involved in terrorist activity, whether they "volunteer" or are recruited,
pass the point of no return because their actions have violated the cultural
and moral codes of the norms of family (i.e., paternal) supervision and
daughterly behavior. For example, one girl looked for excitement and left
the house for training with the shabab (boys) although she had no intention
of carrying out a terrorist attack, or others wore tight clothing and belly
shirts on their way to an attack; all stained the family honor. Such a
situation paints them into a corner and makes it necessary for them to
invest a tremendous amount of energy in keeping the secret from everyone,
including their families (Berko and Erez, 2005).

In addition, a woman who was forced by a terrorist organization to carry out
a terrorist attack, even though she only meant to participate in training to
satisfy her social needs, could not ask her family for help lest her father
discover what she had done. Therefore, leaving to carry out the attack was
the only way for her to get out of a dead-end situation. Her parents were
unaware that their daughter had been recruited to provide support for a
terrorist attack or to carry one out because, as previously mentioned, the
very fact of her recruitment was an affront to paternal status, in that the
father's daughter was taken from him without his knowledge or permission,
and he was no longer able to control her.

The data indicate that the price paid by women involved in terrorism is far
greater than the profit they expect to gain. In the first place, despite the
rhetoric honoring women who take part in terrorism and the pronouncements of
the importance of enlisting women in the armed struggle, in reality it is
all smoke. At the personal, family level, a woman who has turned to
terrorism is unacceptable since she failed to fulfill a woman's traditional
roles, i.e., keeping house, raising children and taking care of her
husband's needs. The question of what led the woman to choose the path of
terrorism remains forever open, as one of those interviewed, an Islamic
cleric, said, "Such a woman was not properly brought up.Even if people say
she is heroic, I wouldn't let my son or brother marry such a woman."

In the second place, Palestinian women involved in terrorism reach a stage
at which the loss is built into the act itself. According to the norms of
Palestinian Arab society, if a girl leaves the family home without
permission, regardless of her age, there is no way back. Even sleeping one
night away from home without her parents' knowledge is a stain on her
reputation, and the honor of all the members of the family is a function of
the daughter's honor. A female security prisoner likened that honor to a
terracotta vase, which, "if broken will never be the same, even if all the
pieces are glued back together" (Berko, 2004). Women who are caught and sent
to jail also suffer the fear of missed motherhood, since even behind bars
their biological clocks continue ticking.

In the third place, women who turn to terrorism become especially vulnerable
because of the trap they find themselves in from the moment they contact
terrorist-operatives, making it easy for the terrorist organizations to
exploit them. In certain instances, potential female suicide bombers
reported having been sexually exploited before being dispatched, ".because
in any case they're going to blow themselves up, so what difference does it
make?..." or having had all their money taken by the dispatchers ".because
in paradise there is no need for money."

In addition, the easy access young people have to the Internet allows women
to be recruited for terrorist activity through chat groups with Arab men all
over the world. Such technology is beyond the ken of the older-generation
father, and it enables women to enter a private world over which the father
can place no limitations and in which he cannot supervise his daughter's
relations with men, as is customary in Arab society.

The interviews showed that despite the ferocity of their verbal objections
to the occupation and their militant activities, the dreams of female
terrorists could be summed up as the desire to marry, start a home and have
children. Most of them dreamed of having a traditional role-sharing
relationship with a husband. One even said, "I want a man with muscles who
will be strong and rule me, and not let me rule him."

The interviews also showed that security prisoners are trapped within a
mindset that neutralizes and rationalizes their actions (Sykes and Matza,
1957). The women feel a need to prove themselves, to achieve some kind of
recognition, and use feminism and nationalism to justify the actions ex post
facto. The process is also nourished by the group energy generated by the
other security prisoners.


Women in Palestinian society are doubly oppressed, suffering from both
political and gender oppression. Both play a role in their involvement in
terrorism. In effect, two types of women participate in terrorist attacks:
those whose motives are political, for example those who oppose the
occupation or want to revenge the deaths of relatives, and are forced to
channel their activity through the gender construct of Palestinian Arab
society. On the other hand, there are those who try to rebel against the
repressive gender construct, and use the political conflict as a legitimate,
respectable cover for the rebellion, although the division is not absolute
and there are women whose motives are mixed.

The study revealed that the gender oppression from which Palestinian women
suffer, which includes forced marriage, multiple wives, restrictions on
movement and contacts with members of the opposite sex, and their being
considered child-bearing machines, has turned women into rebels, and that
rebellion is exploited by the terrorist-operatives who recruit them. The
fondest wish of such women is to make themselves more valuable and feel that
they belong and contribute to the national effort, and it cannot, in
reality, be achieved. The result is that such women, according to the
standards of the society in which they live, cannot be both terrorists and
"good women."

As opposed to the claim that women who are involved in terrorism are
progressive and liberated, the data of this study showed that they are
extremely conservative, firmly fixed in place by the norms of a patriarchal
society and that their roles as terrorists are secondary and marginal. It
would seem that in terrorism as in the Palestinian society which generated
it, there is a strict division of roles between the sexes, and that women
continue to obey the terrorist men who pull the strings. When the
Palestinian woman turns to terrorism the game is lost before it has begun,
because the sensation of freedom (especially in contacts with members of the
opposite sex) they have by participating in terrorism is temporary, and the
relations between the sexes in Palestinian society, of the ruler and ruled,
are transposed into the world of terrorism, according to the Arab model of
society from which they came.

English References
Adler, Freda (1975) Sisters in Crime , McGraw Hill , New York .
Barakat, Halim (1985). "The Arab Family and the Challenge of Social
transformation," pp. 27- 48 in E. W. Fernea, ed., Women and the Family in
the Middle East: New Voices of Change, Austin , TX , University of Texas
Press .
Berko, Anat and Erez, Edna (2005) "'Ordinary People' and 'Death Work':
Palestinian Suicide Bombers as Victimizers and Victims," Violence and
Victims , 20(6).
Bloom, Mia M. (2005) Dying to Kill: The Allure of Suicide Terror, New York ,
Columbia University Press.
Glaser , Barney G. (1992). Basics of Grounded Theory Analysis , Mill Valley
, CA , Sociology Press.
Kandiyoti, Deniz (ed) (1996) Gendering the Middle East: Emerging
Perspectives , London , Tauris.
Kedar, Mordechai (forthcoming) "Gap of Values: Gender and Family Issues as
Source of Tension Between Islam and the West," Current Trends in Islamist
Ideology , Hudson Institute, Washington DC .
Rubenberg, Cheryl A (2001) Palestinian Women: Patriarchy and Resistance in
the West Bank , Boulder, CO, Lynne Rienner. Simon, Rita (1975) Women in
Crime. Lexington , MA , DH Heath.
Sykes, G., and Matza, D. (1957) Techniques of neutralization: A theory of
Delinquency, American Sociological Review, 22 , 664-670.
Victor, Barbara (2003) Army of Roses: Inside the World of Palestinian Women
Suicide Bombers , Emmaus , PA , Rodale.

Hebrew References
Berko, Anat (2004) The Path to Paradise : The world of suicide bombers and
their dispatchers , Tel Aviv: Yedioth Ahronot Press. Forthcoming by Praeger.
Hassan, M (1999) Hapolitica shel Hakavod: Hapatriarchia, hamedina ve-retsah
nashim b'shem kvod hamishpaha (The Politics of Honor: Patriarchy, country
and the murder of women in the name of family honor), pp. 267-305, Tel Aviv:
Kibbutz Meuchad Publishing House.
Yizraeli, D., et al. (1999) Min Migdar Politica (Sex, Gender, Politics), Tel
Aviv, Kibbutz Meuchad Publishing House.

Arabic References
Sharabi, Hishan (1975) Mukadimat li-dirasat al-mujtam'a al-Arabi (
Introduction to Studies of Arab society ), Beirut , Dar Altali'a Liltiba'a
wa al-Nashr.

1 This article first appeared in Hebrew in Tsohar l'vatei hasoar (A Window
on Prisons), Collected Articles No. 10, November 2006, pp. 5-11. An expanded
version of the study's findings will appear in Studies in Conflict and
Terrorism , 2007.
2 Institute for Counter-Terrorism at the Interdisciplinary Center, Herzliya
, Israel . Dr. Berko is the author of The Path to Paradise - The inner world
of suicide bombers and their dispatchers , soon to be published by Praeger.
3 Kent State University , Ohio .
4 In Israel , Jordan , Iraq , Chechnya , Turkey and Sri Lanka .

Copyright - Original materials copyright (c) by the authors. Originally posted at Please do link to these articles, quote from them and forward them by email to friends with this notice. Other uses require written permission of the author.


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